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Every day we bring you the most important news and feature stories from hundreds of sources in Russia and across the former Soviet Union.
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63 episodes
Mark all (un)played …
Manage series 3381925
Content provided by Meduza.io. All podcast content including episodes, graphics, and podcast descriptions are uploaded and provided directly by Meduza.io or their podcast platform partner. If you believe someone is using your copyrighted work without your permission, you can follow the process outlined here https://player.fm/legal.
Every day we bring you the most important news and feature stories from hundreds of sources in Russia and across the former Soviet Union.
…
continue reading
63 episodes
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1 Caught with their pants down. One year later, many of the Russian elites canceled over an ‘almost naked’ party have either lost their careers or embraced Putin
Anastasia Ivleeva during her “almost naked” party at Moscow’s Mutabor nightclub. December 20, 2023. One year ago, Russian blogger and TV presenter Nastya Ivleeva hosted a controversial party in Moscow with an “almost naked” dress code, inviting top celebrities (and, on the event’s less-exclusive second night, ordinary people) to carouse in minimal clothing. The event immediately sparked outrage, particularly among pro-war bloggers and censorship activists like Yekaterina Mizulina. Ivleeva initially embraced the backlash, claiming to enjoy getting hate for the event: “God, I love it so much. May it never end.” In the days that followed, however, the uproar snowballed into a legal disaster and PR crisis for Ivleeva. On December 26, a group of 22 people filed a class-action lawsuit demanding she donate one billion rubles (around $11 million) to an organization supporting Russian soldiers in Ukraine. A separate lawsuit sought 200 million rubles ($2,254,000) from Ivleeva and each of four party guests for “moral damages.” The mobile operator MTS and Tinkoff Bank both ended their advertising contracts with Ivleeva, and Russian tax authorities launched an investigation against her for alleged underpayment. The fallout from the party affected not just its host but its attendees as well. Here’s how the public shaming orchestrated by Russia’s pro-war establishment led to major changes in the lives of some of the figures involved in the “almost naked” party. Nastya Ivleeva Before the party Before December 2023, Ivleeva was a successful TV host with a popular YouTube channel , lucrative sponsorship deals with major brands, and acting roles. In 2021, she was named the richest blogger in Russia. After the party Immediately after the “almost naked” party, Ivleeva lost brand deals and stopped posting on YouTube. Even after posting a video apologizing for hosting the party, she was fined 100,000 rubles (around $1,120). In the months that followed, Ivleeva became a vocal supporter of President Putin and the invasion of Ukraine. In March 2024, she visited occupied Ukrainian territory, a move many Russian public figures have used to demonstrate their repentance for actions deemed anti-government in recent years. In early May, Ivleeva appeared in a “patriotic” interview with YouTuber Luka Yebkov, where she denied supporting opposition leader Alexey Navalny and claimed that “new life is being born from the ruins” in war-torn Mariupol. When asked what she would say to Putin if given the chance, Ivleeva responded, “What can I help you with?” On December 19, 2024, Ivleeva wrote on Telegram that she had watched Putin’s year-end press conference and hadn’t missed “a single word.” Looking back No shoes, no shirt, no service Russian celebrities face event cancelations and legal action after attending ‘almost naked’ party Vacio ( Nikolai Vasiliev) Before the party Nikolai Vasiliev, better known by his stage name Vacio, had released four albums and collaborated with well-known artists, including Belarusian rapper LSP and Boris Grebenshchikov, the legendary frontman of the rock band Aquarium. Vacio’s music was often provocative , but he seemed to enjoy generating controversy. After the party After the “almost naked” party, Vacio was sentenced to 25 days in jail for disorderly conduct and received a military summons upon his release. In response, he attempted to reshape his image. In a January 10 Telegram post, he claimed to be “not a rapper but a professional musician who graduated from jazz school.” For a time, Vacio appeared to be actively preparing to join the army, and he even praised Vladimir Putin for his “diplomacy.” However, in May 2024, Vacio left Russia suddenly and with no public explanation. He has since stopped posting on social media. The sock seen round the world ‘Keep your socks on your feet’ What to know about Russian rapper Vacio, who was jailed and then drafted into the military after attending the ‘almost naked’ party in nothing but a sock Filipp Korkorov Before the party Singer Filipp Korkorov was a regular fixture on Russian New Year’s Eve TV specials, large-scale concerts, and Moscow social events. He was consistently featured on lists of the country’s wealthiest artists. After the party In the wake of the “almost naked” party, Kirkorov was filmed speaking with Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov about why he had attended. The following day, he posted a video apologizing (and offering excuses) for participating. Despite these damage control efforts, however, Kirkorov was removed from the lineup of several New Year’s shows. In February, after a ritual visit to the occupied Donbas region in Ukraine, Kirkorov was allowed to host the Golden Gramophone music awards in St. Petersburg. He later participated in the celebrity game show Stars: Duel and starred in the comedy film Brothers . In his most recent comments on the “almost naked” party, Kirkorov blamed Ivleeva for the entire debacle, calling her a “bitch.” Another career changed by the party Silence and success Ukrainian-born singer Anna Asti became a superstar in Russia by ignoring the war. Then she attended the ‘almost naked’ party. Igor Mishin Before the party At the time of the “almost naked” party, Igor Mishin was serving as the general producer of Kion, the video streaming service of Russian mobile network MTS. After the party A lawsuit was filed against Mishin and MTS for “moral damage,” but it was later dismissed . Nonetheless, a source told Meduza that Mishin was given an ultimatum : either apologize for attending the party, or resign from his post at MTS. On November 21, 2024, law enforcement raided Mishin’s home, though the exact reason remains unclear. Shortly after, Mishin resigned from Kion, purportedly “by mutual agreement.” In a private Facebook post in late November, he wrote that he had decided to “end his career.” Mutabor nightclub Before the party Mutabor was one of the most popular event venues in Moscow throughout the late 2010s and early 2020s, hosting techno parties , festivals , and concerts by both Russian and international artists. After the party After the “almost naked” party, the club was raided by law enforcement, investigated by Russia’s federal censorship agency, and temporarily shut down. In January, as an act of “atonement” for the party, the owners of the club gifted fragments of relics of Saint Nicholas the Wonderworker to a Moscow church. In March, Mutabor changed its name to Arma. However, this wasn’t enough to avoid the authorities’ ire. In late November, Moscow police raided the club “as part of the fight against LGBT propaganda,” according to Russian state media. Twelve people were reportedly arrested on disorderly conduct charges, and two were later fined.…
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1 ‘The development of Russian identity’. Inside a St. Petersburg holiday camp designed to sell Ukrainian children on a future in Mother Russia
Children from Mariupol arriving in St. Petersburg. July, 2024. After the Ukrainian city of Mariupol fell under Russian occupation following a brutal siege that killed thousands of civilians and left hundreds of thousands trapped without basic necessities, the Russian authorities quickly set about cleaning up signs of the destruction and Russifying the city. Beyond their efforts to reshape life in Mariupol itself, they’ve also been organizing trips for children from occupied territories to camps inside Russia, designed to foster “the development of Russian identity.” For the St. Petersburg outlet Bumaga , the Kidmapping project, which tracks information about children deported from occupied territories, spoke with counselors from one of these camps to learn more about what happens there. Meduza shares a summary of their reporting. Fifteen-year-old Marina lived through the entire siege of Mariupol, from March to May 2022. On June 1, shortly after the city fell under Russian control, St. Petersburg Governor Alexander Beglov visited the occupied city and promised local schoolchildren that he would “do everything possible to return their carefree and happy childhood.” Soon after, Marina — whose Ukrainian passport had already been replaced with a Russian one — was offered a trip to St. Petersburg during the school holidays. “I didn’t even have time to tell my parents; I immediately said, ‘I’ll go,’” Marina recalls. She and other students were taken by bus to Taganrog, in Russia, where they boarded a train to Zelenogorsk, just outside St. Petersburg. When they arrived, they were greeted by women in traditional Russian folk costumes. Meduza has condemned Russia’s invasion of Ukraine from the very start, and we are committed to reporting objectively on a war we firmly oppose. Join Meduza in its mission to challenge the Kremlin’s censorship with the truth. Donate today . In the two and a half years since then, these holiday trips to St. Petersburg for children from Mariupol have become routine. In summer and winter, children stay at the Druzhnykh (“Friendship”) camp in Zelenogorsk; during other seasons, they’re sent to a camp of the same name in nearby Molodyozhnoye. Over the nearly three years of full-scale war, 6,500 schoolchildren from Mariupol and hundreds more from other occupied Ukrainian territories have attended these two camps. In 2025, according to Beglov, another 2,500 Ukrainian children will be brought on trips to St. Petersburg. According to the Druzhnykh camp’s 2023 program, the trips are meant to foster “the development of Russian identity” through “familiarization with the culture and educational system of St. Petersburg.” More specifically, this includes “assistance in professional self-determination” (encouraging the children to attend college in St. Petersburg and start careers there), “familiarization with the history and culture of St. Petersburg,” and the “formation of basic national values.” The latter entails special classes and meetings with government officials, aimed at encouraging “young citizens” to adopt Russian national values as personal guiding principles. Deported Ukrainian children ‘They could start to resist’ How the Russian authorities are working to indoctrinate and digitally surveil deported Ukrainian children Druzhnykh is hardly the only “Russification” initiative targeting Ukrainian children from occupied territories. However, counselors at Druzhnykh believe there’s less ideological pressure at this camp than in many similar programs. “I expected more propaganda,” says Irina, a child psychologist who worked at the camp, “but it seems they spared the children’s mental health. Sure, there were patriotic songs, but it was subtle — like ‘Russia, We’re Together.’” “We tried to avoid raising the topic [of war],” says Anton, a counselor at Druzhnykh from 2022 to 2023. “For us, the children were more important, so we tried not to overdo it or push patriotism too hard.” But even if children aren’t openly forced to express hate for Ukraine, they’re constantly surrounded by pro-Russian messaging and encouraged to tie their future to St. Petersburg. Children spent most of their time on excursions around the city and the surrounding region and visiting colleges. Yet even counselors admit that the shadow of war was ever-present. “When we took the kids to a military parade [in 2022], they dropped to the ground because they thought they were being bombed. Even though they knew there was no war here and nothing was happening, their reflexes kicked in,” Anton recalls. After that incident, military events were removed from the program. In 2024, activities included sports matches, quizzes organized by the St. Petersburg government, and a visit to the propaganda-heavy Russia–My History exhibition complex. Some children at the camp openly criticized the war against Ukraine, but counselors say they never took it seriously. “Some kids supported Ukraine,” Anton says. “But it was rare and usually came from a lack of understanding [about the war]. We didn’t argue with them; no one got involved in politics. Sometimes they made jokes about dead Russian soldiers, but that was just to get attention.” after the siege ‘I’m used to walking among corpses’ How Mariupol residents search for their dead under Russian occupation Druzhnykh claims to focus on helping children from Mariupol heal from the trauma of war. According to program documents from 2022, the camp worked with children displaying signs of post-traumatic stress disorder — many of whom had witnessed mass deaths, including those of their loved ones, and endured hunger and freezing temperatures during Russia’s siege of the city. Organizers described their mission as “stabilizing the children’s psychological state” through “positive experiences” intended to “displace” memories of the war. Counselors and psychologists say they observed clear signs of trauma in the children: nightmares, flashbacks, and re-enactments of violence during play. Irina, who worked at the camp in 2023, says she used creative exercises to try to help the children process their experiences. She asked them to draw a person and invent a backstory. “Every drawing reflects how the child sees themselves,” Irina explains. “Only now do I realize how many of those paper figures were maimed or broken.” Some children drew people without faces. Fifteen-year-old Marina, who lived through the siege, recalls being haunted by thoughts of her father, who stayed behind in their village while she and her mother fled to the city, thinking it would be safer. “Every day, I thought about how much I didn’t want to die because I didn’t want [my father] to be left alone,” she says. She adds that counselors at the camp tried to avoid discussing the war “to prevent conflicts or to stop the kids from reliving those memories.” But the topic was impossible to avoid. “One evening, we sat with the kids for a candlelight talk,” recalls Alina, a counselor at the camp in 2023. “I asked them to share something personal, something unrelated [to the war]. But they couldn’t help it — they talked about the people they missed, the ones who were gone. Some decided to share their stories with everyone. By the end of the night, the whole group was in tears.” Marina says the war transformed Mariupol into “something unbearable to look at.” During her trip to St. Petersburg, she decided she wants to leave Mariupol after finishing school and enroll in college there. She says she dreams of becoming a writer. A Ukrainian vision for the city Reimagining Mariupol A Ukrainian design team develops a new vision for reviving the seaside city Russia destroyed…
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U.S. President-elect Donald Trump’s team has told European officials that his administration will push NATO member countries to increase defense spending to five percent of GDP, up from the current target of two percent, but plans to continue supplying military aid to Ukraine, the Financial Times reported on Friday. One source familiar with the discussions told the newspaper that Trump would be satisfied with countries spending 3.5 percent. The FT notes that only 23 of NATO’s 32 members currently meet the two percent spending benchmark. The U.S. will spend about 3.1 percent of its GDP on defense in 2024, down from 3.4 percent in the last year of Trump’s first presidential term. Trump’s Ukraine envoy ‘His tool is blackmail’ How Ukrainian media reacted to Trump’s appointment of Keith Kellogg as Ukraine-Russia envoy…
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Rylsk, a town of approximately 15,000 people in Russia’s Kursk region, was hit by a deadly missile attack on Friday. Governor Alexander Khinshtein reported that Ukrainian forces launched a strike around 3:30 p.m. using a HIMARS multiple-launch rocket system. He said that Russian air defenses intercepted several missiles. The Telegram channel Mash asserted that long-range ATACMS missiles were used, though this has not been independently verified. The attack resulted in multiple casualties, according to Russian authorities. By 6:38 p.m. Moscow time, Governor Khinshtein confirmed six fatalities, including one child. Mash reported seven deaths. Khinshtein also stated that 10 people, including a 13-year-old, were hospitalized with minor injuries. The Telegram channel Shot reported 18 injured , while Baza put the number at 30 . Media reports indicate that dozens of buildings were damaged in the strike. Khinshtein detailed that the attack caused damage to the buildings of two local colleges, a cultural center, a gym complex, a school, and other facilities. Windows were shattered in three apartment buildings, while several private homes and 15 vehicles were also damaged. The blast wave reportedly damaged the Church of the Ascension, according to a church employee who spoke to state media. At the time of publication, neither the Russian Defense Ministry nor the Ukrainian Armed Forces’ General Staff have commented on the incident. However, Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova announced that Russia plans to address the missile strikes on Rylsk at a UN Security Council meeting on December 21. The Russian Investigative Committee reported that it had opened a criminal terrorism case over the strike.…
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1 Head of company responsible for border defenses in Russia’s Kursk region arrested on embezzlement charges
The head of a construction company tasked with building fortifications on the Russian border in the Kursk region has been arrested on charges of abuse of authority, state media reported on Friday. According to TASS, Vladimir Lukin, the general director of the Kursk Region Development Corporation, is suspected of misappropriating over 173 million rubles (about $1.7 million) in budget funds. Earlier this month, the company’s deputy general director, Igor Grabin, was arrested in connection with the same case. According to regional prosecutors, in 2023, Grabin signed a contract with a company for the construction of border fortifications and authorized payment for work that had already been completed and paid for. A closer look at Russia’s border Russia spends billions on protecting its border. So why is it so easy to break through?…
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1 ‘We have land to liberate, and every shell costs money’: Governor of Russia’s Kursk region says state won’t fully compensate residents for destroyed property
Alexander Khinshtein, the recently appointed acting governor of Russia’s Kursk region, said at a recent meeting with residents of the war-torn Sudzhansky district that the government will not cover all the costs of rebuilding facilities destroyed in the fighting between Russian and Ukrainian forces. Footage of the meeting was published by the outlets Sirena and RusNews . The state will not cover 100 percent of the costs. We won’t be compensating you for a destroyed bathhouse, not because we don’t want to, but because we’ll have to… Just imagine how many villages settlements, and roads have been destroyed: schools, hospitals, clinics, stores, pharmacies, your homes. How are we going to rebuild all of this? And the special military operation is still ongoing and is highly technical — we have land to liberate, and every shell, I’m sorry to say, costs money. Khinshtein also said in the meeting that the Russian federal budget does not have sufficient funds to restore everything that’s been destroyed. He noted that the government has other social obligations, such as pension payments, road construction, and maintenance. Who is Khinshtein? ‘It’s half-reward, half-trial’ Why Putin appointed a veteran politician to take over as governor of Russia’s partially occupied Kursk region…
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1 Blame it on the Roma. A human rights activist explains how discrimination and bigotry shape life in one of Russia’s most vulnerable communities
A demolished house built by Roma people in the village of Khrushchyovo in Russia’s Tula region. July 25, 2017. In October 2024, a taxi driver named Elena Manzhosova was found murdered outside Chelyabinsk in the city of Korkino. When locals learned of the crime, they marched to the suspected killer’s home, began breaking windows, and set fire to several nearby houses. The riot quickly escalated into an indiscriminate attack on the murder suspect’s entire community: the Roma population living on Korkino’s outskirts. In the aftermath of Manzhosova’s tragic killing, city residents have demanded the illegal deportation of Roma community members, and state officials have partly obliged these bigotries by intensifying police raids on Roma settlements in the Chelyabinsk region and beyond. To learn about the origins of negative stereotypes against Russia’s Romanis, why members of this community often live in isolation, and why Russians often view them as illegal immigrants, Cherta Media recently spoke to Stefania Kulayeva, an expert at Memorial’s Anti-Discrimination Center, who has spent more than 30 years advocating for the rights of the Roma population in Russia. Meduza summarizes Kulayeva’s comments. “At first, we gathered information about violations of Roma rights directly from the affected individuals,” Kulayeva told Cherta Media, explaining how she once worked on a research project that brought her to more than 100 clustered Roma settlements. “I’d just walk up to people and say, ‘Hello, tell me what’s wrong here,’” she recalled. Through these interactions, Kulayeva learned firsthand accounts of failing education programs, police abuse, murder, and torture. Later, she got involved in legal assistance to Roma communities, litigating to prevent the demolition of homes, helping people register their properties, and sometimes even arranging defense attorneys for Roma members falsely accused of crimes. How Russia’s education system fails the Roma community Kulayeva has worked extensively with grade schools across Russia to find better accommodations for Roma students. “Children from [Roma] settlements often attend segregated classes with shockingly poor teaching quality and degrading conditions: tiny rooms, staggered schedules, and no sanitation or sports facilities,” Kulayeva told Cherta Media. “And everything missing is readily available in classrooms next door where the ‘white kids’ study. It’s like an apartheid system.” According to Kulayeva, schools exploit a loophole in Russia’s regulations to separate Roma students like this, classifying their lessons as “special education.” In theory, isolating Roma children is meant to give them the extra attention they need to “catch up” with their peers in Russian language proficiency. In practice, however, these students are denied a proper education in anything, ensuring their inability to matriculate at higher grade levels and raising the likelihood that they’ll become dropouts at ages as young as 10. Roma in Europe A crisis within a crisis Across Europe, Roma fleeing Russia’s war against Ukraine face discrimination, segregation, and mistreatment Kulayeva recalled a visit to one “jaw-dropping” school in the Tambov region that claimed to provide nine years of education for Roma children: It was a complete sham. The students were taught in a shack with two rooms and a wood-burning stove. The furnace operator taught algebra, geometry, physics, chemistry, geography, and English, while the janitor handled the other subjects. When Russia’s education system fails Roma children, it cultivates future parents who will question the utility of school for their kids, Kulayeva told Cherta Media: “Making education a priority should be the responsibility of the state. The state must understand that it is imperative for all children to attend school.” Asked about developing Roma students’ Russian language fluency, Kulayeva reasoned that Roma children in elementary school should be taught in their native language, though she also urged educators to work toward integrating these students. “We explained […] why segregation is harmful and why it’s important to try, in any way possible, to include the children in activities,” Kulayeva said, describing her work with teachers at “roundtable” events organized to coordinate education efforts related to Roma students. Riots in Korkino. October 24, 2024. Racism and job discrimination Kulayeva also criticized outsiders for failing to recognize the diversity of Russia’s Roma communities. “Journalists often illustrate stories about one Roma group with photos of another,” she complained, accusing reporters of “textbook racism” when they conflate groups who often adhere to very different lifestyles (for example, regarding community rules on drug use). The discrimination Russia’s Roma members face today resembles past pogroms against Jews, said Kulayeva. This is especially true, she explained, when it comes to stereotypes about drug crimes: Where there is demand, there will be suppliers, and such niches are often filled by those who, like Jews under the Tsar, were barred from working in other sectors. It’s the same here: the majority of Roma have nothing to do with drugs, though some, like in any group of people, use them and therefore possess them. Kulayeva spoke extensively to Cherta Media about the limited job opportunities for Russia’s Roma community members due to a mix of ethnic bigotry, poor education, and language barriers. “Discrimination and the inability to find decent work have, in various eras, pushed different groups of people into illegal activities,” she explained, highlighting that the elusiveness of school diplomas for Roma students is especially disqualifying for legal employment. Even uneducated foreigners can leverage their past work experience to find jobs more easily than many Russian citizens in the Roma community, said Kulayeva. A Roma woman in the village of Khrushchyovo cries as her house is demolished. July 25, 2017. Authorities demolish a house built illegally by Roma people in the village of Khrushchyovo. July 25, 2017. A housing crisis In 1956, the USSR effectively criminalized the Roma community’s nomadic way of life, leading to a police crackdown that rounded up many Roma members and dumped them on allocated land. “This abruptly shattered a centuries-old way of life,” Kulayeva told Cherta Media. However, these allotments didn’t grow with the Roma population, leading to increasingly crowded accommodations and greater reliance on shoddy home extensions. “The authorities provided no assistance in registering these homes, and the problems of overcrowding and safety in such settlements were simply ignored,” Kulayeva said. In post-Soviet Russia, owning a home outside the country’s metropolises became prestigious, and Russians went looking for real estate to build new cottages. “This led to demolitions in the Roma settlements and the expulsion of their residents,” said Kulayeva. Houses built for Roma families in the village of Dyagilevo in Russia’s Ryazan region. Russia’s Roma and the invasion of Ukraine Following Elena Manzhosova’s murder, one of the criticisms Korkino residents made against the city’s Roma community has been to highlight the absence of Roma soldiers fighting in Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Kulayeva said this reproof isn’t unique to the Chelyabinsk area: There’s a video from the Volgograd region where the administration summoned Roma representatives and began yelling at them: “Why is everyone fighting, and you’re not?” And these pitiful, crushed fathers and grandfathers of families answered, “Well, maybe you could assign us to weave some nets instead.” I deeply respect that none of them said, “Sure, we’ll go fight.” Kulayeva told Cherta Media that she suspects military recruiters have turned their attention to Russia’s Roma because they assume pillaging these communities of able-bodied men “won’t provoke any protests.” However, she pointed out that the education system’s abandonment of Roma students has put them largely out of the military’s reach since men are typically registered for the armed services in high school or later. “It turns out that the Roma are an excluded group in every sense,” Kulayeva quipped. Cherta Media notes that Memorial’s Anti-Discrimination Center was forced to suspend full-scale operations inside Russia in 2013, after the Justice Ministry designated the group as a “foreign agent,” following its reporting for the United Nations on police violence in Russia against Roma, migrants, and political activists. As a result, Memorial was forced to sever ties to vulnerable groups it had actively assisted for years, including the Roma community, to protect them from reprisals by the Russian state. Adapted for Meduza in English by Kevin Rothrock…
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Russia launched a missile strike on Kyiv on Friday morning, killing one person and injuring nine others, according to local authorities. Around 7 a.m. local time, Mayor Vitali Klitschko warned that air defense systems were active in the capital. Soon after, reports surfaced that missile debris had fallen in various parts of the city. Klitschko later said the strike left 630 apartment buildings, 16 medical facilities, 17 schools, and 13 kindergartens without heat. Meduza shares photos of the aftermath. The site of a Russian missile strike in central Kyiv, Ukraine. December 20, 2024. A person carries a dog past the site of a Russian missile strike. Kyiv, Ukraine. December 20, 2024. A building damaged by a Russian missile in Kyiv. December 20, 2024. People flee the scene of a Russian missile strike in Kyiv. December 20, 2024. Emergency workers at the site of a Russian missile strike in Kyiv’s city center. December 20, 2024. Russia’s Defense Ministry said the strike was a response to Wednesday’s attack using ATACMS and Storm Shadow missiles on the Kamensky Combine, a chemical plant in Russia’s Rostov region that produces rocket fuel for the military. The ministry claimed that Russian forces were targeting an SBU command post, Kyiv’s Luch Design Bureau, and a Patriot air defense system.…
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1 North Korea first sent troops to Russia in October, according to Western intelligence. So why is there no clear footage of them on the battlefield?
What happened? On December 16, the Ukrainian military’s Main Intelligence Directorate (HUR) and the U.S. Department of Defense announced the first major losses among North Korean soldiers fighting alongside Russian troops against Ukraine. The HUR reported that at least 30 North Koreans were killed or injured in battles near the villages of Plekhovo, Vorozhba, and Martynovka in Russia’s Kursk region. However, the agency did not provide direct evidence of these claims. That same day, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky posted a video on his Telegram channel purportedly showing North Korean soldiers. The footage includes three clips: the first shows a Russian-speaking serviceman filming what appear to be North Korean men in Russian military uniforms with his cellphone; the second shows alleged drone footage of North Koreans in trenches; and the third shows Russian soldiers mutilating the bodies of what are purportedly North Korean soldiers to hinder identification. The locations and other details about the footage were not specified. Pentagon spokesperson Major General Patrick Ryder stated that the U.S. had observed “indications” of North Korean forces suffering casualties but did not provide further details. On December 17, an anonymous U.S. military source told journalists that “several hundred” North Koreans had been killed or wounded by Ukrainian forces, though he didn’t provide evidence. On December 19, South Korean parliament member Lee Seong Kwon shared intelligence data indicating that at least 100 North Koreans had been killed and 1,000 wounded in the Kursk region. Additional indirect evidence came from a drone video posted on December 15 by the Khorne Group, a unit within Ukraine’s 116th Separate Mechanized Brigade. The footage shows soldiers wearing white headgear with wide brims — an item not found in Russian Armed Forces uniforms. what’s the quid pro quo? Friends with (strategic) benefits Troops and missiles for oil and bears: What Russia gets from North Korea, and what Pyongyang receives in return So there’s no direct evidence of North Korean losses? Can the reports be trusted? The short and honest answer is that we don’t know. Based on the information currently available, there doesn’t seem to be any direct evidence of North Koreans on the front lines or casualties among them. However, there is a great deal of indirect evidence. In addition to statements from (admittedly biased) parties who are clearly informed about the combat situation, recently released footage appears to support the idea that North Korean soldiers are involved in the fighting. For example: On December 14, the Telegram channel Zigun, which shares combat footage from Ukrainian soldiers’ perspective, posted a video of a Russian assault on Ukrainian positions in the Kursk region, allegedly involving North Korean soldiers. The behavior of the attackers in the video — charging the Ukrainian positions in tight groups of several dozen — was unusual for Russian troops, who typically take a more cautious approach and avoid direct frontal assaults. However, the camera’s distance from the soldiers makes it impossible to definitively confirm their nationality. A few more details about footage reportedly filmed on the same day and in the same location were shared by Yuriy Butusov, editor-in-chief of the Ukrainian outlet Censor.net. According to him, the video captured the first-ever large-scale attack by North Koreans on Ukrainian Armed Forces (AFU) positions near the village of Malaya Loknya in the Kursk region. Over 200 North Korean soldiers allegedly participated in the assault, supported by fire from Russian troops. The assault groups “charged straight ahead, not stopping even under direct fire and strikes from firepower,” Butusov noted. He also claimed that a few days earlier, on December 10, North Koreans attacked AFU positions near the village of Plekhovo. However, Butusov did not provide additional documentary evidence. According to his information, no North Korean soldier has yet been captured by the AFU. On December 15, the Telegram channel of Ptakhi Madyara, a regiment of the AFU’s Unmanned Systems Forces, posted a video showing 22 corpses filmed by a Ukrainian drone in the Kursk region, some of which are allegedly North Korean soldiers. According to the Ukrainian serviceman narrating the video, the faces of the North Korean soldiers were hidden under hoods. As a result, this, too, is not direct evidence of their participation. One other indication ‘How many more are there?’ Intercepted recording appears to capture Russian nurse complaining about hundreds of North Korean soldiers arriving at Moscow hospital Wait — so thousands of North Korean soldiers arrived in Russia months ago, yet there’s no proof of them fighting? The level of secrecy is indeed striking. Even so, there’s a lot we do know about the North Korean contingent — from a wide variety of sources. Ukrainian , American , and South Korean authorities largely agree on their estimates of the number of North Korean soldiers who have arrived in Russia: around 10,000–12,000. Western military analysts have suggested that these are not regular troops but rather trained special forces. The total strength of North Korea’s special operations forces is estimated to be around 200,000 personnel. In mid-October, several videos appeared on Ukrainian Telegram channels that were purportedly filmed at the Sergeyevsky training ground in Russia’s Primorsky Krai. The footage allegedly showed North Korean soldiers marching on the parade ground and receiving uniforms inside a building. Satellite images of similar scenes were released by South Korean intelligence. OSINT analysts later confirmed that the footage was indeed shot in Sergeyevka, and the uniforms issued to the “North Koreans” belonged to the Russian Armed Forces. However, even these documented pieces of evidence have been difficult to verify as definitive proof of North Korean special forces’ presence in Russia. In October, the head of Ukraine’s Main Intelligence Directorate (HUR), Kyrylo Budanov, predicted that it would take several weeks to prepare North Korean forces for combat and that they would join Russian troops on the front line by November. In the end, it seems the process took nearly two months. At the same time, Budanov suggested even back then that North Korean soldiers might join the fighting in the Kursk region — a prediction that appears to have been accurate. The partnership between Russia and North Korea has become a significant factor in the war in recent months, partly because Pyongyang’s involvement in the conflict served as the formal pretext for the U.S. to lift its restriction on long-range missile strikes deep into Russian territory in November. One of the most high-profile such strikes was a Storm Shadow missile attack on a command post in the Kursk region at the end of November. According to the Ukrainian authorities, the strike wounded a North Korean general and killed several North Korean officers. Reports of North Korean troops participating in the war have been numerous in Ukrainian and Western media, and they show no sign of slowing. While we have yet to see decisive, direct evidence, it’s hard to imagine that such a broad array of indirect indicators (even the Kremlin and Russia’s Foreign Ministry avoid outright denials) could turn out to be a false trail, with no North Korean troops actually present on the front lines at all. Their rumored deployment near Sudzha could mark a turning point, after which more verifiable information might emerge. This could finally confirm that the Russian army has been bolstered by thousands of North Korean special forces — perhaps through the capture of North Korean soldiers by Ukrainian forces or official acknowledgment from Russia’s Defense Ministry. For Ukraine’s Armed Forces, this would likely signal new challenges in maintaining their positions in the Kursk region. The latest on the battlefield Enter, Pyongyang Russian forces close in on Pokrovsk, threatening all of Donbas, as North Korean troops join the fight in the Kursk Region…
The U.S. has granted Turkey an exemption from sanctions imposed on Gazprombank, Bloomberg reported on Friday, citing Turkish Energy Minister Alparslan Bayraktar. The exemption allows Turkey to pay for Russian gas through the sanctioned bank. Bayraktar said Turkish officials held “a series of talks” with U.S. counterparts to secure the arrangement. On December 19, Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó also announced that the United States had granted Hungary an exemption from sanctions on Gazprombank for payments related to Russian gas. Since March 2022, Gazprombank had been the sole bank authorized to process such payments. However, after the U.S. Treasury Department imposed sanctions on the bank on November 21, Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a decree allowing foreign buyers of Russian gas to use other Russian banks for payments until April 2025. Hungary and Turkey had both lobbied for exemptions from the sanctions on Gazprombank. Bloomberg reported that E.U. officials had also urged Washington to ease the restrictions. The sanctions New U.S. sanctions target the only bank handling European payments for Russian gas. But the effects will go beyond the energy sector.…
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1 Five killed in fire at Russian detention center where soldiers who refused to fight were beaten and tortured
A fire broke out early on Friday at a detention facility in Russia’s Sakha Republic (Yakutia), where soldiers who deserted their units are held. Sakha’s military commissariat reported that five people were killed in the fire. Their identities are still being determined. Seven others were hospitalized with symptoms of smoke inhalation. The cause of the fire is under investigation, the commissariat said, expressing condolences to the families and loved ones of the deceased. In May, local Telegram channels reported that the detention facility held soldiers who refused to return to the front after being wounded. The Free Yakutia Foundation, citing activists, reported that detainees were subjected to beatings and torture, denied toilet access, and refused family visits. Activists also said that the song “I’m Russian” by Shaman was played at full volume. At the time, 28 people were reportedly being held at the facility. no exit How getting out of the Russian army became all but impossible — even for soldiers severely disabled in combat…
Ukraine’s Justice Ministry has been hit by its most extensive external cyberattack in recent memory, targeting state registries, Justice Minister Olha Stefanishyna reported . “It is already clear that the attack was carried out by Russians to disrupt the operations of the state’s critical infrastructure,” Stefanishyna wrote. She added that Russia is “trying to exploit this situation in its information campaigns to sow panic among Ukrainian citizens and abroad.” The day before, the ministry reported a “major failure in the network infrastructure servicing the registries,” but provided no further details. Stefanishyna said the immediate priority is to restore access to the civil status registry, the registry of legal entities and individuals, and the property rights registry. Preliminary estimates suggest that full restoration could take up to two weeks. Once the systems are restored, Stefanishyna said, authorities will conduct a detailed analysis of the attack in collaboration with relevant agencies to strengthen defenses against similar interference in the future.…
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1 Birds and dolphins are early victims in Black Sea oil spill that’s contaminated 35 miles of coastline and threatens region’s ecosystem for years to come
A storm in the Kerch Strait that caused two tankers to shipwreck on December 15 has spilled oil across more than 50 kilometers (almost 35 miles) of Black Sea coastline in Russia’s Krasnodar region. On Thursday, Vladimir Putin revealed that the tankers lost nearly 40 percent of their fuel cargo — more than 3,000 metric tons (792,500 gallons) of oil. As a result, the Russian authorities have declared an emergency in the towns of Anapa, Veselovka, and Blagoveshchenskaya. Meduza reports on the cleanup effort and the extent of the pollution’s spread. According to user-generated markers posted on Yandex Maps, traces of oil have been discovered along a 54-kilometer stretch — from outside Anapa to the town of Bolshoy Utrish. Russia’s Federal Emergency Management Ministry reported on December 18 that cleanup efforts are underway along a 49-kilometer stretch of coastline in the Temryuksky and Anapsky districts. Regional authorities in Krasnodar noted that pollution spans 44 kilometers near Anapa. As of Thursday morning, December 19, Federal Emergency Management officials said they had surveyed 130 kilometers (80 miles) of coastline. Ecologist Yevgeny Vitishko told Mediazona on Wednesday, December 18, that the oil products could reach the Bolshoy Utrish Reserve or move toward Taman via the Kerch Strait into bays that host protected bird habitats. The Federal Emergency Management Ministry reported on Thursday morning that more than 5,000 rescuers and volunteers are involved in cleaning the beaches of Krasnodar Krai. According to regional authorities, some 5,500 people (including 4,000 volunteers) are helping with cleanup efforts in Anapa and the Temryuksky district. Anapa city administration officials say the cleanup operation also includes 300 military personnel and staff from more than 120 sanatoriums. Crews are removing the oil from beaches by shoveling it into garbage bags . Road construction equipment has also been deployed for the cleanup. According to Federal Emergency Management officials, more than 860 tons of oil-contaminated soil had been collected in Krasnodar Krai by 1:20 p.m., Moscow time, on December 19. The Anapa city administration reported that the contaminated soil is being transported for disposal using 184 heavy vehicles, including dump trucks, loaders, and bulldozers. Ecologist Yevgeny Vitishko says the oil spill has harmed aquatic birds, including the great crested grebe ( Podiceps cristatus ), whose habitat stretches along the oil-polluted coastline. Grigory Prokopov, a research associate at the Center for Freshwater and Brackish-Water Hydrobiology, told the state media that other affected species in the disaster area include Eurasian coots, mallards, great cormorants, and many others that migrate here for the winter. He estimated that between 2,000 and 5,000 birds are in the danger zone. Vladimir Romanov, the director of the Russian Ornithological Society, says up to 10,000 birds — including swans, diving ducks, and sandpipers — may be in the affected area. He warned that pollution could kill half or more of these birds. Oil films are particularly deadly for birds, as they cause feathers and down to stick together, explained biologist Vasily Klimov . A bird rescue center has been opened in the town of Vityazevo, outside Anapa. According to ecologist Yevgeny Vitishko, birds that reach the shore are exhausted and at risk of drowning. Volunteers are cleaning the oil from these animals, giving them absorbent agents, and then working with veterinarians to decide whether to release them or transport them to another location. The oil spill is also causing dolphin fatalities . Dmitry Glazov, a research associate at the Severtsov Institute of Ecology and Evolution, told the state media that the spill has affected a critical area for dolphins in the Black Sea. He noted that a similar spill in 2007 led to the deaths of many marine animals, including dolphins. “I believe that this large spill will impact the ecosystem for at least another 10 years, if not longer,” Glazov warned. The Anapa region’s upcoming beach season may be disrupted, one ecologist told Agentstvo Media anonymously. “These types of oil products absorb into the sand and are very difficult to remove. The beaches might appear relatively clean, but the oil will start to vaporize when the sun heats up,” the expert explained. Background Two Russian tankers wreck in Kerch Strait storm, killing one sailor and risking ‘one of largest environmental disasters’ ever in Black Sea…
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1 Enter, Pyongyang. Russian forces close in on Pokrovsk, threatening all of Donbas, as North Korean troops join the fight in the Kursk Region
Like our earlier reports on the combat situation in Ukraine, this article takes stock of the recent developments on the battlefield based on open-source information. Meduza has condemned Russia’s invasion of Ukraine from the very start, and our detailed military analyses are part of our commitment to objective reporting on a war we firmly oppose. Our map is based exclusively on open-source photos and videos, most of them posted by eyewitnesses on social media. We collect available evidence and determine its geolocation markers, adding only the photos and videos that clear this process. Meduza doesn’t try to track the conflict in real time; the data reflected on the map are typically at least 48 hours old. Key updates as of December 19, 2024 The Ukrainian Armed Forces (AFU) are trying to counterattack after a Russian breakthrough south of Pokrovsk in central Donbas, but they remain outgunned. Despite reinforcements being sent in, Ukrainian troops have failed to retake the villages of Shevchenko and Novotroitske, allowing Russian forces to push further west. This raises the risk of Pokrovsk being encircled from that direction, as Russian troops have already reached its eastern and southern outskirts. The situation is no better on the southern flank. While some counterattacks have seen success, Ukrainian forces have been unable to unblock roads leading north to the district center of Velyka Novosilka. Meanwhile, they’re losing control of the southern approaches to Kurakhove and have lost the fight for the city center. Meduza has condemned Russia’s invasion of Ukraine from the very start, and we are committed to reporting objectively on a war we firmly oppose. Join Meduza in its mission to challenge the Kremlin’s censorship with the truth. Donate today . Ukraine Pokrovsk Russian forces reached the eastern outskirts of Pokrovsk — the center of an urban area with a pre-war population of 400,000 — late this summer after breaking through Ukrainian lines west of Avdiivka. However, they didn’t storm the city at the time, choosing instead to redirect their offensive south toward Kurakhove. Most Ukrainian troops retreated in that direction, toward the Selydove area and further south to the Kurakhove Reservoir, leaving a gap in their defenses between Pokrovsk and Kurakhove. In December, Russian forces exploited this weak point, pushing 10 kilometers (over six miles) deep into Ukrainian defenses and reaching the road linking Pokrovsk, Kostyantynopil, and Velyka Novosilka. When Russian troops reached this critical route, the Ukrainian army launched counterattacks near Novotroitske and Shevchenko. However, Novotroitske was quickly lost, and the battle for Shevchenko — just three kilometers (about two miles) from Pokrovsk’s southern outskirts — is ongoing. Russian sappers moved swiftly to mine the approaches to the recently captured village of Novotroitske, preventing Ukrainian armored vehicles from advancing toward Russian positions in residential areas. Meanwhile, Russian troops are pressing toward Pokrovsk and the area east of Shevchenko, where they’ve reached the Solena River. This advance may render Ukrainian efforts to halt the Russian army’s advance in Shevchenko itself futile. At the same time, an immediate assault on Pokrovsk appears unlikely. Instead, Russian units are advancing westward through Novotroitske, with the apparent aim of encircling Pokrovsk from the west. Recent Russian successes in Selydove, Kurakhove, and Velyka Novosilka have relied on similar “partial encirclement” tactics. Kurakhove The Russian army is on the verge of capturing Kurakhove, a key city in southern Donbas. Russian assault groups advancing from the east have reached the city center and taken control of the administration building. The only area still under Ukrainian control is a large industrial zone in the city’s west. Even this remaining position, however, is at risk of encirclement. To the north of Kurakhove, Russian forces have secured the entire shoreline of the Kurakhove Reservoir and advanced to the dam on the Vovcha River. They are now just two kilometers (a bit over one mile) from the Donetsk–Zaporizhzhia highway — the only road linking the city’s western side to unoccupied Ukrainian territory. Meanwhile, another Russian group is advancing on Kurakhove from the south, following months of fighting along the Sukhi Yaly River. Toward the end of this battle, Ukrainian forces were surrounded in villages near the river, though most of them likely managed to escape through their last fortified position in Uspenivka. Shortly afterward, Russian forces captured Uspenivka. Russian troops have now reached the Sukhi Yaly River to the west of Uspenivka. Across the river lies a ridge of hills with Ukrainian defensive positions, but it remains unclear whether Ukrainian forces have sufficient troops to hold this final line before Kurakhove. In the coming weeks — or even days — Russian units advancing from the south and north could converge at the Donetsk–Zaporizhzhia highway, west of Kurakhove. Velyka Novosilka At the end of November, Russian forces advanced to the eastern and northern outskirts of Velyka Novosilka. From the north, they captured the villages of Rozdolne and Novyi Komar, located along the only viable supply road to Velyka Novosilka. Other routes have either been cut off by Russian troops or lie on the western bank of the Mokri Yaly River, where bridges were destroyed during the first year of the full-scale war. The Ukrainian army quickly launched counterattacks in Rozdolne and Novyi Komar. While they briefly forced Russian troops out of Novyi Komar, the Russians regrouped and retook the village. Russian aircraft then bombed the Mokri Yaly River crossing north of Novyi Komar, which Ukrainian forces had been using to support their counterattacks. Meanwhile, Russian troops are advancing toward Velyka Novosilka from the west and south. To the south, Ukrainian forces defending Makarivka in the Mokri Yaly River valley have been encircled. Toretsk Russian forces are nearing the capture of Toretsk, north of Horlivka. The assault on the city and nearby settlements has been ongoing since July. Initially, counterattacks by Ukrainian reserves were enough to halt Russian troops in the city center, but by December, Ukrainian resources were nearly depleted. The Russian army has taken control of the high-rise buildings in central Toretsk, the nearby mines and their spoil tips, and the Zabalka neighborhood in the city’s southwest — an area that saw heavy fighting throughout the fall. Ukrainian forces continue to hold low-rise residential areas in northern Toretsk and a few spoil tips beyond them. The fall of Toretsk could pave the way for a Russian advance on Kostiantynivka. Russian units currently attacking Chasiv Yar, west of Bakhmut, may join such an offensive in the future. Russia Kursk Region Numerous open-source videos suggest that long-awaited “allies” from North Korea’s military have joined Russia’s offensive. Units employing tactics distinct from those of the Russian army — attacking with several dozen soldiers at once in a fairly dense combat formation — have been observed in multiple locations north, east, and south of Sudzha. Reports suggest that North Korean troops played a pivotal role in the assault on the village of Plekhovo, south of Sudzha, which Russian forces had struggled to recapture for weeks. The village has now been retaken, and Russian forces (or their “allies”) have reached the Psel River west of Plekhovo. Now, they’re threatening to cut off the Sumy–Sudzha road, the Ukrainian troops’ supply line. To the north, other forces that don’t appear to be Russian troops have advanced toward the village of Malaya Loknya, an area where Russian efforts have previously faltered. Meanwhile, another unit has reportedly moved toward the settlement of Nechayev, north of Sudzha. The situation for the AFU has worsened following Russian successes near Plekhovo and Malaya Loknya. If Russian forces succeed in driving Ukrainian troops out of Malaya Loknya or the village of Sverdlikovo, west of Sudzha, or if they cross the Psel River between Plekhovo and Guyevo, the Ukrainian command may be forced to consider withdrawing from the Kursk region. Meduza is careful in working with data, but mistakes are still possible, and perhaps even inevitable. If you spot one, please let us know by sending an email to reports@meduza.io . Thank you! Read our previous combat map Clearing the way Russian forces are closing in on a Ukrainian village long blocking their path toward Dnipro…
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1 Russia appears to intensify YouTube throttling, possibly in connection with Putin’s year-end press conference
Russian Internet users have increasingly complained in recent days about difficulties accessing YouTube on mobile devices. A source from one of the country’s telecom operators confirmed to Meduza and The Bell that there’s been a significant increase in complaints beginning on December 18. “The number of complaints began to rise around 9:00 p.m., and they’re still continuing today. Previously, there were about 10,000 complaints a day after the slowdown , but now the number has exceeded 40,000 per day,” the person said. The source suggested that the heightened "slowdown" might be linked to Vladimir Putin’s live call-in show on Thursday. A source from the Russian media market told the newspaper RBC that “there was a 30 percent block only on desktops earlier, but since mid-December, restrictions have intensified, and now the entire service, including the mobile version, will be blocked.” Another source confirmed the “serious but not yet complete shutdown of YouTube on mobile devices.” The outage detection services Sboi.rf and Downdetector also show an increase in complaints about YouTube’s performance in Russia. The Bell, citing Google’s open statistics, noted that YouTube traffic in Russia on December 18 was already 20 percent lower than the numbers from December 17. Compared to July 24, when the throttling began, the decline has surpassed 60 percent. IT specialist Mikhail Klimarev told Meduza that since the past weekend, users from various Russian regions have reported issues using YouTube on mobile networks. On Thursday evening, Russia’s federal censorship agency Roskomnadzor told state media that YouTube access has declined in Russia because Google “has not officially operated in Russia for two years, choosing instead to have its Russian subsidiary go through the bankruptcy process and ceasing to support the infrastructure of its caching servers in our networks.” The agency added that “numerous violations of Russian legislation and disrespect for our country and citizens are grounds for taking action against YouTube” and that it has “enough tools to motivate the company in this situation, and the right to use them remains with the Russian side.”…
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